Media and Politics Essay

We all agree that a well-informed public leads to a more open, just and civic-minded society. Yet today it seems every major and minor news network has a Sunday talk show or weekly roundtable dedicated to â€Å"educating† the American public about politics. In addition, with the growth of the Internet, thousands of Web sites exist with information on politics and government. The irony is that while the quantity of places we can go for political information continues to increase, the quality of that information has not. Recent voter turnout shows an American public with a general apathy toward government and the political process. If we continue to focus on innuendo instead of insight, we threaten to create even more public apathy. For everything a quick sound bite delivers in sharpness, it often loses the same in substance when the message reaches the public. While it may be easy to fault the media for the lack of public confidence in America’s political system, policymakers are also partly to blame. Because increased political partisanship has led to an adversarial relationship between policymakers, it has created a disconnect with the media who cover them. It is only natural for the media to present the news in this â€Å"crossfire† approach when that is all it hears from politicians on a daily basis. Thus, instead of creating a well-informed society, policymakers, and the media can inadvertently work together to give the appearance that complicated issuesare black or white, with no in-between. We all know this is not true. For television, and the American media generally, the election of 2000 will be the first real taste of things to come, the beginning of the end of an era if not the end itself. Whispers of the â€Å"information revolution† could be heard in 1994, mostly in the accents of the Right, but in 2000, the Internet’s campaign presence will be sounded in shouts and with cymbals.  Campaigning via Websites and the use of e-mail, already routine, will edge toward dominance. In addition, a significant fraction of the public will be getting its politics from the Internet: the Pew Research Center found that in 1995, only 4 percent of adults went on-line for news at least once a week; by 1998, the figure had reached 20 percent, and rising. Today, however, television, which displaced the press and radio (and movies, for that matter), is itself substantially being shouldered aside. It is not even surprising that, according to the Pew Research Center, while 60 percent of adults â€Å"r egularly† watched TV news in 1993, that figure dropped to 38 percent in 1998. Like the press and like radio, television will retain much of its power; its quality of its influence may even rise; what is certain, however, is that it will have to change. If we are lucky, that change will help Americans reclaim some of democracy’s old charm. Our communities have been weakened or shattered by the market, mobility, and technology, and the centralization of the media and of party politics has taken much of the spirit out of our politics, emphasizing mass and hierarchy, and leading citizens to seek dignity in a private life that seems increasingly confined. Our politics, like our society, is more and more divided into two tiers. The elite levels, especially around the national capital and the media centers, are dense with organized groups and with information about the subtleties of policy and politics†¦The great majority of Americans, by contrast, are socially distant from power, baffled by its intricacies, anxious about change, and inundated by the welter of information being made available to them. The links that connect citizens to government are thin, mostly top-down, and dominated by money: the parties are increasingly c entralized bureaucracies, and â€Å"participation† is apt to take the form of donating money in response to direct appeals, voicelessly, without any say in group leadership or policy. As for the dominant news media, they are not seen as a stratum between citizens and centers of power, but as part of the powerhouse, an element of the elite or in its service. The great majority of Americans know that they depend on the media†¦the media decide what opinions to attend to and in what ways. Viewers, lacking a voice, can assert their discontents only by changing channels or by turning off the set, and in relation to politics, tuning out has become startlingly common, a silent protest against indignity. It does  not help that, eager to cultivate and hold a mass audience, the news media tend to dumb down their political coverage, as indicated by the ever-shrinking sound bite afforded to candidates and leaders. It is probably even worse that the media also pander, playing to our worst impulses. Early and consistently, polls showed that most Americans were convinced that coverage of the Lewinsky affair was doing damage to our institutions, telling pollsters that they wanted it to receive much less attention from the media. However, media leaders knew, of course, that despite this public-regarding judgment, very few Americans, as private ind ividuals, would be able to resist getting caught up in the tacky salacity of the thing. As a result, we got coverage in agonizing detail: Russell Baker called it â€Å"disgusting,† an indication that the media market is dominated by â€Å"edge, attitude, and smut.† Moreover, it encouraged millions of Americans to view the media, for all their power, as worthy of contempt. Political societies can be symbolized but not seen, and the most important political controversies turn on words–like justice, equality or liberty–and hence on public speech. A picture makes a strong impression, but one that tends to be superficial. Many see who you appear to be, Machiavelli advised the prince, but not many will recognize who you are. And often, visual coverage of politics is banal or beside the point. In the internet, a good many observers discerned a trend toward a more decentralized communication and politics, more interactive and hence friendlier to democratic citizenship. However, the Internet, at least so far, is not leading us to the public square. It does enable minorities to find like-minded people, to avoid the sense of being alone, and sometimes this gives strength and assurance to our better angels, although at least as often it gives scope to the dark side. In general, however, the Internet creates groups that lack what Tocqueville called the â€Å"power of meeting,† the face-to-face communication that makes claims on our senses, bodies as well as minds. — Over the past five decades, the American electorate has come to depend more and more on the news media for learning about political candidates and making voting decisions. The growth of all forms of media and the rise of â€Å"objectivity† in the press†¦ has made voters more dependent on the news media for campaign information. Today, about seven in 10 voters depend mainly on the news media for information to make choices when they cast their ballot. Voters’ dependence on the news increases the importance of the role that the news media play in American elections. But what do American voters want from election news coverage? And how do voters evaluate the news media’s coverage of presidential elections? In a word, â€Å"lukewarm† describes the general feeling of voters about the performance of the news media in covering presidential campaigns, according to national scientific surveys of the American electorate conducted from February through November 1996, as well as a more recent survey, conducted in October 1999, on the current campaign. The surveys were conducted by the Center for Survey Research and Analysis (CSRA) at the University ofConnecticut. Funding for the 1996 surveys was provided by The Freedom Forum. Why the tepid feelings? American voters are quite consistent in what they say they want from election news–and they are quite clear in saying that what they want is often not what they get. The American electorate is hungry for news and information that allow it to evaluate the substance of presidential candidacies on the basis of issue positions and on the likely consequences of electing a particular candidate to office. News provided outside of these parameters, while perhaps entertaining, is viewed as â€Å"nonsense† in the words of our focus group participant. Two types of stories–those that review how candidates stand on issues and those that describe how election outcomes might affect voters–are clearly the kinds of stories in which voters express the highest levels of intere st. The remedies suggested†¦.enhanced coverage of issues and candidates positions, more coverage of the possible impact of election outcomes on public policy and broader coverage of the  full field of candidates, not just the front-runners–could improve the quality of news and promote voter learning, which would be healthy for American democracy. At the same time, less coverage of the election as a sporting horse race and less obsession with entertaining stories about candidates personal lives would, according to voters, be an improvement. In election periods, the polls highlight the role of public opinion in the political process. They also illuminate the importance of public opinion measurements in the media. Fundamentally, and at their best, media polls are a way for public opinion to be reported and perceived, thus fulfilling the eminent 19th-century British visitor James Bryce’s conception of the American press as the â€Å"chief organ of public opinion,† and community â€Å"weathercock.† However, when employed inappropriately by overzealous reporters and analysts, polls can be used to create an exaggerated sense of precision that misleads more than it informs. Polls routinely bring the public into election campaigns. In an otherwise fragmented and even alienated society, poll reports may be the only means individual members of the public have in situating themselves in the greater society. News reports of poll results tell individuals that they are part of a majority or a minority on various issues. In campaigns with more than two candidates, especially early in the primary season, information about relativecandidate standing gives voters the information to help them cast a vote that is strategically advantageous. But most importantly, polls take that strategic information about candidate performance away from politicians’ control and places it in the hands of the public. News organizations no longer are forced to rely on the instincts of party leaders  or on carefully orchestrated leaks from partisan pollsters for data. Because they are numbers, poll results sometimes create the appearance of a false precision in reporting of candidate support or presidential approval. In fact, some polling organizations flaunt this alleged precision by displaying results to a 10th of a percentage point. Of course, the error due simply to the sampling design is usually at least 30 times greater than the specificity presented. Moreover, there are growing concerns about the ability of su rvey researchers to reach the majority of households selected in their sample. Some respondents refuse to be interviewed. Others have become ever more difficult to reach during the short news survey-interviewing period that must be sandwiched between public events. This perception of precision and accuracy leads journalists into making blunders, including attempting to find deep meaning when there probably isn’t any. Newspaper and television reporters often try to attribute a three-point difference in the margin between two candidates to some campaign action. Either the â€Å"slipping† candidate has made a mistake, or there has been a successful strategic decision that has brought supporters to the â€Å"rising† candidate. Sometimes small movements in the percentages of subgroups that form only a part of the total sample are given the same â€Å"explanatory† treatment. Those â€Å"differences,† however, are more likely to be caused by sampling error than by campaign events. In mid-October, a prominent presidential candidate addressed his largest audience. Hundreds of thousands of voters heard his message–but they never got the news that his message contained some distortions, omissions, and half-truths. Those significant matters were either ignored or buried in coverage by the leading news media. Why? It was not because of bias. It was because the candidate’s message was delivered not at a campaign event but in campaign television ads. And when candidates communicate via ads on the tube  instead of on the stump, journalists act as if we are stumped about our role and responsibility. Journalists at most major and medium-sized newspapers are proud that they are now at least covering political advertisements at all. They report on them in small-boxed features called â€Å"Ad Watch† or something of the sort. But they haven’t figured out that they are still being manipulated by the ad-makers. The â€Å"Ad Watch† reports c arry the transcript of the 30-second ad, followed by a small section in which a reporter subjectively interprets the ad-maker’s strategy. Then–in the most valuable section–the reports briefly focus on the factual accuracy of the ad’s claims. Newspapers display these â€Å"Ad Watch† boxes on inside pages, back with the snow tire and truss ads. Think about it from a journalist’s viewpoint: when a candidate distorts his record in a huge rally speech, a good reporter fact checks the claims. The resulting news story will surely focus in part on the candidate’s omissions and distortions that present a different and more accurate picture of his record.And that may well be a page one story. Now think about it from the political strategist’s viewpoint: Democratic and Republican strategists expect print journalists will check ads for accuracy but then downplay the results. So, being skilled manipulators, they are willing to take a light hit in a box that is buried back with the truss ads and will run just once if they can pour their unfiltered, exaggerated and distorted message in to living rooms where it may be seen by millions, not just once but perhaps 10 times in a campaign. There is one mistake that all journalists make whether we are covering politics at the White House, state house, or courthouse. Every time we report on money and politics, we fail to tell people the real story about how the system really works because we are using the wrong words to describe what is happening right before our eyes, every day. So no wonder people just shrug when we report that a special interest â€Å"contributed† $100,000 to Democrats or Republicans. Because, this special interest really did not â€Å"contribute† this money (which my dictionary explains means that it was given as though to a charity). What the special interest representative really did was â€Å"invest† $100,000 in the Democrats or Republicans. Big business people (see also: big labor, trial lawyers, et al) â€Å"invest† in politics for the same reason that they invest in anything–to reap a profitable return on their â€Å"investment.† Use the right word and suddenly  everybody understands what is really going on. They will especially understand when we regularly report that the largest agribusiness â€Å"investments† in Senate and House races routinely go to the top agriculture committee members, and largest energy special interest â€Å"investments† go to the top energy committee members, and so on. Use the right word and suddenly our next task as journalists becomes clear–and clearly difficult: we need to do a better job of discovering the campaign investors’ motives. We need to ask, Just what profitable return did the investor expect to reap for that campaign investment? A tax subsidy? A regulation waived? A loophole that is difficult for a squinting journalist to see with a naked eye? Whatever the return, this much is clear: the money ultimately comes out of the U.S. Treasury. Clearly, our present system, which we like to say is based on private financing of campaigns, can also be viewed as a form of backdoor public funding–where the taxpayers pay the final tab, no doubt many times over. We journalists have yet to find a way to calculate how many billions of tax dollars it now costs us to finance election campaigns through the back door. At least we can begin using a vocabulary that will finally tell it like it is.

Discuss psychological explanations of one eating disorder

Discuss Psychological explanations of one eating disorder. (8+16) Psychological explanations of obesity Include the psychodrama and the behaviorism approach. Behaviorism suggests three means by which obesity may occur; classical conditioning, operant conditioning and social learning theory. There Is a great deal of evidence for the behavioral explanation. Classical conditioning is where eating becomes associated with other behaviors that are often routine, leading to eating when not hungry for example snacking whilst watching TV.Evidence for this as a cause of obesity comes from Fletcher et alls ‘Do something different' study which shows how breaking such habitual associations prevents overeating, and so leads to weight loss, even for people who are not actually dieting. Furthermore, evidence for the role of operant conditioning, which is related to food being used as a reward, comes from Wanting at al who noted that people can turn to food and eat excessively for comfort, usin g food as a reward.However, operant conditioning alone cannot explain obesity, as we know there are biological factors which affect how rewarding retain foods are, therefore the behavioral approach as an explanation of obesity can be seen as reductionism. Operant conditioning, although not offering a full explanation for the causes of obesity, does have some good practical applications. Techniques using operant conditioning have been very successful in reinforcing healthy eating practices.Devoid and Yankton found Up's on such a programmer has an average weight loss of between 1 5 and 20 Lbs on the scheme. However, Just because it is successful in treating the eating disorder doesn't mean it can be seen as a viable cause for obesity. Social Learning theory is the third means by which the behaviorism approach suggests obesity may occur and it suggests that obesity is due to observing and imitating obese role models, particularly people we identify with in some way.In order for this to be valid, the relationship between one obese person and the role models around them has to be assessed. Chalks and Fowler did Just that and found that a person's chance of becoming obese Increased by 57% If they had a friend who became obese. However, although many extraneous variables were enthroned in this study, it was still only correlation in nature and correlation does not indicate causation meaning other factors such as biology or culture cannot be ruled out as other possible contributing factors to obesity.Although there is a great deal of evidence to support the behaviorism approach it can be seen as limited as it ignores biological and genetic factors that also have a great deal of support with regards to causing obesity, egg Standard et al who found a strong relationship between adopted and genetic mother's weight and no relationship between adopted and adoptive arena's weight. However, taking the deterministic nature of the behaviorism approach as a positive It does hav e an optimistic message with regards to beating obesity.Due to the fact the basis of the behaviorism approach Is that all behaviors are learned and can therefore be unlearned, means that obese people may be more willing to try dieting and other forms of lifestyle change more readily than if they futile. There is a problem with this view however as it focuses on the role of nurture rather than nature which can often cause blame to be put onto parents for their bees children.While in some cases this can have a positive effect as the parent realizes the necessity of educating their child on healthy food choices and not associating certain activities with food, it can also raise ethical issues as families are not protected from potential emotional harm from being blamed for their obese child's health issues. In addition to the behaviorism explanation of obesity, the psychodrama explanation of obesity offers an alternative on the causes of this eating disorder.The psychodrama explanation of obesity is based around Fraud's incept of problem behaviors in adult hood being due to unresolved conflicts that occurred during childhood development through the psychosocial stages with obesity being linked to unconscious desires of the oral phase. This could be caused by a lack of gratification in the oral stage or over gratification and both could lead to obesity. Evidence for the role of the ID (a structure of the unconscious mind that is concerned with gratifying needs) and oral fixation come from Grant and Borders who found that adult loneliness was a key issue in overeating for all Up's.Furthermore, bused Up's used food to ‘numb pain' whereas non abused Up's used it to recreate warmth and nurturing experienced in childhood that they missed in their lonely adult life. This shows the effect of both under and over gratification in the oral stage of psychosocial development. It seems that as an adult, emotional difficulties or trauma may lead to regression to the oral stage thus overeating. Eating may also result as a substitute for affection.However there are a few issues with this study; there was only a very small sample and the fact that the research was very sensitive means that the reliability of Up's recall may be questionable. However, as with the behavioral approach, there are practical applications associated with the psychodrama approach for example it highlights the need for social support; if a person does not feel lonely at a time of emotional distress, it seems the regression back to the oral stage and thus overeating may not occur.In addition to social support, the psychodrama explanation of obesity highlights the cause which can then be used to treat obesity, which in this case is a symptom of a larger problem; Hereford there is optimism attached to this explanation as with the behaviorism approach. Furthermore, Rounded et al has also found a link between childhood abuse and obesity. They found that child sexual abuse is associat ed with a doubling of odds of obesity in a telephone sample of 4,641 women.However once again there are methodological issues regarding this research as it is geocentric so cannot be generalizes to the wider population of both men and women- it lacks population validity. There is also further supportive evidence from Williamson et al who found NY form of abuse can lead to an increased chance of obesity showing regression into childhood and the oral phase in order to find missed gratification.However, there are many issues regarding the psychodrama approach including the fact that it cannot be investigated scientifically using the features of science that psychology attempts to follow. It is speculative in nature and based on philosophy of the mind rather than scientific fact. Therefore the validity and reliability of the explanation of obesity is very low. It can never be scientifically proven due to its nature so will

Transformational Writing

Transformational Writing The men Jerked to the floor, all social barriers destroyed by the capricious nature of death. Privates and Generals alike squirmed in the filth, their searching hands smothering soft pink flesh, fearing the deathly burrow of a bullet. Jack flopped, limp like a fish. His face buried itself into the dirt and broke the dry crust his chin tunnelling into the sticky layer below, gaping like an open wound. He heard the ration party strike the floor their contents spilling out into the mud.He heard a rasping moan escape Evans' lips, his shoulder thumping the fire step awkwardly. He heard the cries of men and the guffaw of a crow, mocking the senseless carnage. And then silence. The dominoes had fallen. Jack wrapped his hands around his head, nuzzling his face into the mud as a baby would a bosom seeking the protection of thick underground earthy walls and for a moment he forgot about the war, he forgot about Evans and Shaw and Weir and instead he was sat at home wit h Margaret, chair pulled up by Johns bed, drinking in his sons face running his hands through his wispy hair.The promise he had made Margaret echoed in his mind, her mature features thick with concern glazed over im, â€Å"l am going t' surivive this bloody war, I'm gonna go home and look after my wife and we're gonna grow old together and on sundays we'll visit Johns grave and†¦ † He remembered the misplaced Sandbags. Gingergly he raised his head, others were stirring around him.Weirs broken body lay sprawled in the filth, his arms splaying at odd angles, dirt swimming into his open mouth, infecting every pore. â€Å"Sir! † Jack hissed, â€Å"Its 0k, the boche missed. † No reply. â€Å"Sir! † No reply. Now on his feet, Jack edged his way towards Weir, commando style in he dirt, his eyes flashing nervously towards the missing sandbags. â€Å"Weir! † mud splattered his face, his elbows working with vigour.Blood pumped from the exit wound in the back of Weirs' head, saturating his neck and tunic. His soft cap lay forgotten in the dirt, blown off the balding head. Jack moaned. Cradling his captains' body in his arms he called for help, â€Å"Someone get me a medic, he must have fallen unconcious! † Evans', Fielding and Jones gazed at the pair with a sorrowful expression. â€Å"Its Just a scratch! † Jack cried in answer to the now congealing blood, â€Å"Just a scratch! † By bighame

Personal & Professional Development Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Personal & Professional Development - Assignment Example In the discussion henceforth, I will be emphasising my learning throughout the group work in three reflective logs referring to three key activities, which I believe to have imposed a strong impression on my understanding related to the subject matter. In the first activity, I will be giving an account of my experience throughout the group work, including the preparation of the group presentation. In the second and the third activities, I will respectively focus on exhibiting two of my in-class and voluntary works associated with the assignment, which helped me experience the entire process in a better way. The objective of the group assignment was to assess our knowledge of theories and concepts applied in the current scenario of business decision-making. It intended to enrich our critical understanding of the learning, we had gathered throughout the course and allow us to apply those learning in the practical case example. This assignment hence required high degree of interpretive skills, as we had to interpret our learning in order to justify the purpose of the activity, which was concentrated on examining the relationship between diversity and negotiations within a workplace. Proper search skills and analytical skills were also required to ensure that we could apply the theories properly in a comprehensible and a justified manner. Besides, the requirement of good communication skill was also essential in order to structure the entire paper in the most suitable manner that would depict what was intended. As I have already mentioned, prior to the assignment, I possessed only a limited knowledge regarding the two vital variables of our study, i.e. workplace negotiations and diversity considerations. Nevertheless, I must agree that I have always found the management of intellectuals within organisations most intriguing, perhaps owing to the way it works as a

Critically evaulate the care and management of a Scaphoid fracture Essay

Critically evaulate the care and management of a Scaphoid fracture from the perspective of a Emergency Nurse Practitioner - Essay Example I chose to focus on scaphoid fractures since they are part of the injuries that I am likely to come across as an emergency nurse practitioner (Rutter, 2008). This paper touches on the clinical assessment and differential diagnosis of scaphoid fractures. I will discuss different assessments that a nurse can perform and the diagnosis process that is supposed to be followed when dealing with a fractured scaphoid. I will also look at the psychological as well as the cultural factors that might affect the patient suffering from a fractured scaphoid. I will also include the treatment options available for scaphoid fractures. There are several issues related to the management of fractured scaphoids. And I will delve deep into some of these issues in my discussion. Clinical assessment and differential diagnosis Scaphoid fractures are quite difficult to diagnose correctly since X-Ray interpretations are normally vague (Gunal, Barton and Calli, 2010). This draws to attention the need of clinic al assessment in the diagnosis process. The diagnostic process of a fractured scaphoid needs to be thorough enough to be able to make accurate diagnosis. Signs and Symptoms It is quite challenging to diagnose fractured scaphoids due to the lack of apparent signs that are common with bone fractures. The most common symptom or sign of a fractured scaphoid is tenderness and pain, which is usually accompanied by swelling on the wrist (Elhassan and Shin, 2006). However these signs are not very specific and one might make unnecessary outpatient reviews. In the health facility where I worked, MRI technology was used to a certain the presence of a fractured scaphoid on a patient (Garcia and Holtz, 2001). However, the patient had to undergo plain-film radiographs to ascertain that indeed there was a fracture on the wrist. The first step of the clinical assessment of the suspected fractured scaphoid was to take the patients history (Bickley, 2005). Taking the history of the patient was import ant as it showed the injury mechanism. For a fractured scaphoid, the injury mechanism normally involved: Falling onto the outstretched hand Forced dorsiflexion, with a radially deviated wrist Sometime there could be palmar flexion After checking the common signs of a fractures wrist such as swelling, lack of a strong grip and pain, the next step involved the use of radiographs (Elhassan and Shin, 2006). The lateral radiograph was used to indicate whether or not there was any sign of inconsistency in the alignment of the carpal and distal joints (Edwards and Stillman, 2006). If the patient had positive radiograph results but negative initial clinical findings were treated using cast immobilization for two weeks. After two weeks, the examination was repeated to examine whether there had been any form of healing or bony resorption at the site of the fracture. Emergency nursing practitioners carried out the initial clinical evaluation which in most cases showed the following (Muscari. 2 001): Pain on the wrist Fullness and swelling off the snuffbox, which was a clear indication of effusion Tender palpation in the anatomical snuffbox and scaphoid tubercle Reduction in the range of motion Pronation and ulnar deviation that caused pain Reduced strength of grip When the radiographs failed to indicate the fracture, even when it was apparent there was one, the other option used was MRI. In many health facilities which deal with emergency care for minor

Company Law Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words - 4

Company Law - Essay Example This will be accomplished by setting out the main features of the limited liability company and the partnership. Once these features are set out, comparisons relative to the advantages of a registered limited liability company over a partnership can be explained and evaluated. The main legal benefits of a registered limited liability company is the existence of perpetual life, its separate legal personality from its incorporators and the limited liability of shareholders and other classes of owners and investors.2 Under UK company law, a company has limited liability status when the shareholders’ liability is limited to the amount that is â€Å"payable for the shares†.3 A registered company simply refers to the fact that the company is registered with the companies’ registrar and is a typical function of UK company law formalities.4 The concept of limited liability was first introduced in UK law under the Limited Liability Act 1855 conferring upon shareholders what was characterized as â€Å"conditional limited liability†.5 Liability was conditional upon providing â€Å"a minimal capital† which necessitated adding the word limited to the company’s name signaling the fact of liability.6 In 1856 the UK introduced the Joint Stock Companies Act which officially made limited liability unconditional. The Companies Act 1862 reflected the concept of limited liability and the era of limited liability was deeply entrenched in the UK’s corporate culture.7 Essentially, what limited liability means is that the shareholders of the company many not be held liable for the company’s debts â€Å"beyond the amount that he has chosen to invest†.8 In other words, if the company is unable to discharge its debts the shareholders cannot be personally liable for the shortfall. A limited liability company also enjoys the status of legal personality which

Product Design and Its Impact on Functional Product Information Essay

Product Design and Its Impact on Functional Product Information - Essay Example Marketers and academics agree that product design is important, and there exists a large body of managerial and quantitative research on design as a component of the new product development process. Consumer research on design, however, has been somewhat limited. Consumer behavior investigations into product appearance have included examinations of behavioral responses to product form (Silvera, Josephs, and Giesler 2002; Veryzer and Hutchinson 1998), the interaction of brand strength and design (Page and Herr 2002), the effects of repeated exposure to designs (Cox and Cox 2002), and the role of individual differences in response to design features (Bloch, Brunei and Arnold 2003; Holbrook and Schindler 1994). Bloch (1995) developed a model of consumer response to product form that outlined several stages in the design process from managerial goals through the creation of the products form to the consumer's response. Blochs model addressed the possibility of both cognitive and affectiv e responses to product form but did not speak specifically to how variations in product design might influence the nature of the cognitive or affective reactions. In a discussion of the different roles of product design, Creusen and Schoormans (2005) similarly mentioned the psychological role that product appearance might play but did not offer predictions as to the nature and direction of the influence. The current research contributes to the growing literature on product design by investigating how a product's appearance can influence the processing of functional product information. I examine the extent to which design signals quality, and how such a signal might interfere with the evaluation of more objective product information. Prior consumer research in product design has examined how aesthetics could influence quality evaluations in the absence of other information (Page and Herr 2002).